What are seven major feminist perspectives, and what is the key focus within each perspective?
What does it mean to be feminist? This question has been with us for over a century. In 1913, journalist Rebecca West captured some of the ambivalence associated with feminism when she said, “I, myself, have never been able to find out what feminism is: I only know that people call me a feminist whenever I express sentiments that differentiate me from a doormat” (Vandiver, 2010, p. 1).
A common misperception is that feminists are all the same. In fact, feminists think in many different ways, and sometimes these thoughts even conflict with those of other feminists (Enns, 2004). For example, some feminists believe that, in order to achieve gender equality, women and men should be treated in exactly the same way; others argue that women and men should be valued for their differences. As we introduce you to many prominent feminist perspectives, we’ll also introduce key terms that we’ll use throughout the book.
Liberal Feminism
Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg has been quoted as saying:
If I could choose an amendment to add to the Constitution, it would be the Equal Rights Amendment. I think we have achieved that through legislation, but that can be repealed, it can be altered. So, I would like my granddaughters, when they pick up the Constitution, to see the notion—that women and men are persons of equal stature—I’d like to see that as a basic principle of our society. (Schwab, 2014, p. 1)
This quote exemplifies liberal feminism, a form of feminism that focuses on the similarities between women and men and on using government policies to eliminate barriers that keep women from achieving their potential. The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which would have guaranteed that civil rights may not be denied on the basis of a person’s sex, has not been ratified in the United States. Furthermore, despite some renewed recent interest, it has not received significant attention since 1982, when the deadline for states to ratify it expired.
Contemporary liberal feminists have moved away from championing the ERA and are more interested in changing laws and policies that give men (and members of other privileged groups) more resources and advantages than women (and members of less privileged groups). Such structural inequalities exist within organizations, institutions, and governments. For example, as mentioned previously, employers in the United States are not required to offer paid maternity leave. Because women who give birth will, at a minimum, leave the workforce for childbirth and recovery, liberal feminists argue that this policy disproportionately harms women through lost wages and possible opportunities for promotion. The outcome is vastly different for women who receive financial support following the birth of a child, as in countries such as Norway and Sweden. Additionally, within the United States, prior to the Affordable Care Act (ACA), only 62% of plans in the private market covered maternity care, another core policy concern of liberal feminists (Frankie-Ruta, 2013; Rosenthal, 2013).
Another component of liberal feminism is a focus on equal education and the belief that, at their core, women and men are more similar than different. According to liberal feminists, when girls and women have access to equal educational opportunities, they will develop and behave similarly to men (Enns, 2004). Contemporary liberal feminists are especially interested in making sure that girls and women have access to resources that help them compete in the global economy. Psychologists who hold a liberal feminist perspective tend to believe that even when research finds differences between women and men, they’re generally the result of girls’ and boys’ different experiences rather than innate biological differences. This is a topic we’ll explore in Chapter 3.
In the United States, most people hold liberal feminist attitudes even if they don’t identify as feminists (Liss & Erchull, 2010). For example, most U.S. students agree that women and men should have equal rights and opportunities, a central tenet of liberal feminists.
Radical Feminism
In contrast to liberal feminism, radical feminism claims that it’s naïve to think that women and men can become equal through attaining legal rights. Therefore, radical feminists advocate for separatism. They believe that the unjust treatment of women is the most fundamental and widespread form of oppression (Donovan, 2006). In this view, changing laws and policies isn’t enough because gender biases are embedded in all aspects of everyday interactions. Patriarchy, a social system in which men hold positions of authority and power, is so normative that, according to radical feminism, most people see men’s authority as natural and inevitable.
Radical feminists argue that, in order to achieve equity, women must develop new ways of thinking separate from androcentric, or male-centered, ways of thinking. Some radical feminists have advocated for cultural separatism as a way to achieve this goal. For instance, counselors at some domestic violence shelters refuse refuge for male survivors because their presence might undermine the safety of the women-only space (Haaken & Yragui, 2003).
One type of radical feminism is lesbian feminism, which focuses on sexuality and reproduction as a central place of oppression (Enns, 2004). A significant contribution of radical feminism is the concept of compulsory heterosexuality, the idea that sexual preferences are formed through the social ideal of heterosexuality. In other words, according to radical feminists, sexuality is learned, and the dominant message is that heterosexual romantic love is ideal. Girls and women, therefore, learn to prioritize the sexual desires of men, and the ultimate sign of success for a girl is to marry a man. For example, consider that almost every Disney Princess story ends in a marriage between a woman and a man. We’ll revisit this idea in Chapters 5 and 7.
spotlight on . . .
The Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival
The Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival was a womyn-only music festival founded in 1976 on the principles of radical feminism. Use of the word womyn (instead of women) symbolized the festival’s separatist underpinnings—the word wo-men, after all, according to radical feminists, implies that woman is a subset of man. From 1976 to 2015, the music festival drew between 3,000 and 10,000 womyn annually for five days of music, workshops, dancing, camping, and community building. The campground was built, staffed, and taken down exclusively by womyn. For years, attendees shared that the festival was a place for restoration and safety.
The concert was explicitly separatist, so attendance was limited to “womyn-born-womyn.” In 1991, several transgender individuals sought admission but were turned away. Tension grew as organizers stood by their strict policy to include only those designated F at birth while many in the LGBTQ community called on the festival to change its policy.
In August 2015, the 40th festival was the last one. In discussing the festival’s end, founder Lisa Vogel said, “We have known in our hearts for some years that the life cycle of the Festival was coming to a time of closure” (Ring, 2015, para. 3). The ending of the festival’s life cycle did indeed signal a change in feminism. Some credit the rise of third wave feminism for promoting a different understanding of how to be equitable and inclusive in feminist spaces.
Socialist Feminism
Another perspective, socialist feminism, links gender oppression with capitalism, an economic system in which power is constructed through work and production (Enns, 2004). In the United States, there is a perception that economic mobility is easily attainable through hard work. This view is called the myth of meritocracy because it suggests that merit is primarily responsible for accumulating wealth. However, contemporary research shows a widening gap between the upper-middle class and everyone else that appears to be more about inherited wealth than merit (Reeves, 2017). In one study, researchers found that since 1980, U.S. workers who are not upper-middle class are less likely than before to move up the social ladder (Carr & Wiemers, 2016). It appears that those at the top are more effective at passing down their status and wealth to their children, and this tendency reduces social mobility for everyone else (Reeves, 2017).
According to socialist feminists, merit alone is not responsible for accumulating wealth. Other factors, such as class, gender, and race, not only influence the accumulation of wealth but also affect the perceived value of what a person does. For example, socialist feminists have claimed that in capitalist societies men are primarily defined as workers and women are primarily defined as caregivers (Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie, & Robinson, 2012; Fillo, Simpson, Rholes, & Kohn, 2015). Such an arrangement means that women provide free labor by taking on the vast majority of domestic and caretaking responsibilities. Socialist feminists are particularly concerned with the second shift, a term that refers to the free labor performed at home in addition to paid labor in the workforce (Hochschild, 1989). According to socialist feminists, changing the way work is organized by encouraging men’s increased involvement in child rearing would promote greater equality (Reid, 1993; Saris & Johnston-Robledo, 2000).
On average, girls and women spend $1,400 more each year than men when buying the same products because the “women’s” version usually costs more. This pricing practice is referred to as the pink tax.
Socialist feminists are also concerned about how living as a girl or a woman is more expensive than it is for boys and men. The term pink tax refers to the additional cost of a product because it is marketed to women. It’s estimated that, on average, girls and women spend $1,400 more each year than men when buying the same products (Duesterhaus, Grauerholz, Weichsel, & Guittar, 2011). Products such as razors, toothbrushes, and even pens cost more if they appear feminine. This practice is outlawed in California, New York City, and Miami-Dade County in Florida, but it is perfectly legal elsewhere (Duesterhaus et al., 2011; Fried, 2016). Further, girls and women spend more money on items that men don’t have to buy (e.g., makeup, bras, tampons). According to a poll by Huffington Post and YouGov, women in the United States spend over $426 billion on beauty products every year (Adams, 2013). This financial burden is particularly problematic when also considering that women, in general, are paid less than men (American Association of University Women, 2017). It appears that this cost is a necessary investment because research shows that women who wear makeup, for example, are seen as more reliable, capable, and trustworthy in the workplace than women who don’t (Etcoff et al, 2011).
Cultural Feminism
Cultural feminism is a perspective that focuses on the differences between women and men and views women’s inequality as related to a lack of value placed on the unique experiences, perspectives, and qualities of women (Donovan, 2006). Underlying cultural feminism is a belief in gender essentialism, the idea that women and men are fundamentally different because of deep and unchanging properties that are generally due to biology or genetics. For example, cultural feminists view girls and women as having certain innate characteristics, such as intuition and emotionality, that are complementary to the characteristics of boys and men, such as competitiveness and being analytical. As a result, unlike the liberal feminist focus on similarity, cultural feminists focus on difference. However, even while valuing difference, they also value equity. They would like to see women use their feminine characteristics to advance gender equity, and they argue for a societal shift in which traditionally feminine characteristics, such as being caring and nurturing, carry more value.
A contemporary example of cultural feminism is the rise of mompreneurs. In 2014, women-owned businesses increased by 45%, compared to just a 9% increase among all businesses (Weeks, 2015). Many of these businesses focus on traditionally feminine skills, such as cooking and crafting. According to cultural feminists, these businesses promote the valuing of women’s unique capabilities and are successful because women are disproportionately more talented in these areas than men.
Women of Color Feminism
Women of color feminism sees women’s inequality as deeply linked to White supremacy, a form of racism in which White people are considered superior to people of color (Enns, 2004). In fact, women of color feminism developed because previous types of feminism had ignored the concerns of racial minority women. For example, previous types hadn’t considered the diversity among women and, instead, reflected ethnocentrism—the tendency to judge other groups according to the values of one’s own group. Some White women went so far as to compare their experiences of oppression with those of ethnic minority individuals in the United States, a claim that minimized the social realities of women of color. The resulting tension sparked anger and frustration among women of color, motivating them to separate from White feminists and develop different goals for achieving equality.
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING?
Cultural Feminism
T
here is a debate over whether taking a cultural feminist perspective is truly empowering for women. In other words, does the valuing of traditionally feminine activities promote equity between women and men? Before we discuss the debate, take a moment to explore your own beliefs. What do you think about activities that are traditionally associated with women (e.g., domestic work, child care)? Do you think our society values these activities? Why or why not?
When you see pictures like this one, do you tend to think that the women in them are feminists? Why or why not? Cultural feminists seek to reclaim and enhance the value of traditionally feminine activities and roles, so it’s quite possible that women such as the one pictured here could identify as feminists.
Those who argue that cultural feminism is positive claim that girls and women are superior in areas that require empathy, care, and compassion. They’re especially critical of the ways in which female empowerment has been linked to success in traditionally masculine domains. They prefer to see women achieve power from success in traditionally female domains. In other words, they aren’t interested in seeing women become more masculine. Instead, they argue that female empowerment occurs when women honor their feminine side. For example, some proponents claim that women are powerful when they birth and breastfeed their children (McCarter-Spaulding, 2008). In fact, attachment parenting—a practice that includes co-sleeping, babywearing, and breastfeeding on demand—has been referred to as “cultural feminist theory in practice” (Bobel, 2008, p. 116).
However, others argue that cultural feminism cannot promote equity because it encourages women to maintain traditional and restrictive roles. According to these opponents, it’s unreasonable to expect all women to have talents in traditionally feminine domains. Further, work associated with femininity is often less “valuable,” carrying no monetary gain. For example, within the United States, childbirth and breastfeeding are not paid forms of labor. In France, in contrast, women are given incentives to have children and to breastfeed them (Bryant, 2008). For example, women are offered tax breaks, child and healthcare benefits, paid leave, subsidized daycare, housekeeping services, and even cash payments.
What are your thoughts on this debate? Do you think a cultural feminist perspective is empowering or oppressing? Why or why not? Can you see both sides of the argument? Would certain aspects of society need to change in order to promote a cultural feminist perspective? What are they, and whom would they benefit most?
Three queer Black women—Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi—organized around the hashtag #blacklivesmatter, spurring a national movement against the systematic oppression of Black people and those who are part of other marginalized communities.
One influential group of Black feminist lesbian activists, the Combahee River Collective, took up the task of defining a feminism that prioritized the lives of women of color. Named after the Combahee River Raid of 1863, which was led by Harriet Tubman and resulted in the freeing of hundreds of slaves, the Collective articulated a need to address all racial, gender, sexual, and class oppressions (Napikoski, 2017). In 1982, the group issued the Combahee River Collective Statement, which is credited as recognizing the often-overlooked contributions of women of color, including Harriet Tubman, and ushering in a focus on intersectionality.
Women of color feminism is more likely to address concerns that have been of lesser focus for other types of feminisms—such as affirmative action, access to affordable housing, and prison reform. In fact, contemporary women of color feminists continue to advocate for social justice initiatives that do not only benefit girls and women. For example, in response to the murder of Black teenager Trayvon Martin, three queer Black women—Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi—created the hashtag #blacklivesmatter (Garza, 2014), which spurred a national movement. Garza described it as “a call to action for Black people and a response to the anti-Black racism that permeates our society” (Garza, 2014, para. 1). In talking about the origin, she affirmed the movement’s commitment to “the lives of Black queer and trans folks, disabled folks, Black-undocumented folks, folks with records, women and all Black lives along the gender spectrum” (Garza, 2014, para. 11). Black Lives Matter advances a broad and integrated expression of activism.
Queer Feminism
Queer feminism claims that inequality is related to the ways in which the categories of woman and man have been constructed, studied, and used to organize society. The focus of queer feminists is not to ensure that women are equal to men, but to question what is considered female and male in the first place. Queer feminism critiques the concept of heteronormativity, the idea that people fall into a binary (something made up of only two parts) of two distinct sex categories—either F or M; that those categories have aligning gender roles (female or male); and that sexual desires are most naturally linked to the other sex. Queer feminists argue that sex, gender, and sexual orientation are not always aligned in a predictable way (Sullivan, 2003). For example, some people have a cisgender identity, meaning that their gender identification matches the sex they were assigned at birth, but other people may identify as transgender, reflecting a gender identity (woman, man, or other gendered identity labels) and/or a gender expression (feminine, masculine, or other gendered expressive labels) that doesn’t conform to societal expectations for the sex they were assigned at birth.
Queer feminism is particularly interested in gender performances—how people express gender through their actions (Butler, 1990). For example, the clothes we put on every day, the hairstyles we favor, and the way we sit all communicate gender. Actor and television host RuPaul distills queer theory in the following quote: “We’re born naked, and the rest is drag” (RuPaul, 1995, p. 11). Queer feminists believe that, over time, gendered behaviors become so much a part of daily life that they seem to be core parts of who we are, but in fact, they’re simply behaviors that have the potential to change.
Post-colonial/Transnational Feminism
Post-colonial/transnational feminism connects women’s inequality to the legacy of colonialism and critiques the belief that women in Western countries are the most liberated in the world (Else-Quest & Grabe, 2012). According to post-colonial feminists, a problematic dynamic occurs when women in Western countries think that women in non-Western countries are oppressed and need Western women to save them (Mohanty, 2003). An example of this occurred when some Western feminist women, mainly in European countries, called for a ban on the hijab, a headscarf worn primarily by Muslim women (Weaver, 2017). These Western women saw the hijab as a symbol of male dominance and female subservience. But, by suggesting a ban, they weren’t seeing that they were imposing their own belief system on another group of women, and they weren’t recognizing that the hijab often serves as a political statement against colonialism. A similarly problematic dynamic would occur if non-Western women were to call for a ban on bikinis, claiming they’re a symbol of male dominance and female subservience in Western countries. These examples could be said to represent how all women struggle with patriarchy and how its manifestations can vary by context (Harcourt, 2012). We’ll return to this topic in Chapter 6.
A particular type of post-colonial feminism, known as third world feminism, claims that feminism should not focus on commonalities among women (Herr, 2013); instead, it should address issues from multiple perspectives and not assume one unified position. This outlook promotes a wider view of feminism that respects the distinct, but interconnected, lives of girls and women. Third world feminists have been especially critical of organizations that attempt to apply a liberal feminist perspective in other places in the world. These feminists argue that it’s inappropriate for women from powerful countries, like the United States, to come into an area and start planning ways to end gender discrimination there without acknowledging how local women have already theorized and organized as part of that particular community.
See Table 1.1 for a summary of the main characteristics of the seven types of feminist theory discussed in this section. The Sample Survey Item column shows statements that feminists in each category would agree with.
TABLE 1.1 Feminist Perspectives
Feminist Theory
Description
Sample Survey Item
Liberal feminism
Focuses on gaining equal rights and prioritizes changing laws and promoting education.
The government is responsible for making sure that all women receive an equal chance at education and employment.
Radical feminism
Focuses on transforming women’s thinking since women are conditioned to prioritize men and to deem heterosexuality as a social ideal.
Pornography exploits female sexuality and degrades all women.
Socialist feminism
Highlights the ways in which money and capitalism are interconnected with gender inequities.
Making women economically dependent on men is capitalism’s subtle way of encouraging heterosexual relationships.
Cultural feminism
Perceives gender inequity as being related to a lack of appreciation for women’s unique feminine qualities.
Traditional notions of romantic love should be replaced with ideas based on feminine values of kindness and concern for all people.
Women of color feminism
Connects gender inequity to other structures of oppression, especially, but not limited to, racism.
Racism and sexism make double the oppression of women in the work environment.
Queer feminism
Calls for the elimination of binary gender categories since they are at the core of gender inequality.
Traditional definitions of feminism that solely focus on achieving equity between women and men contribute to oppression because they exclude people with non-binary gender identities.
Post-colonial/transnational feminism
Connects women’s inequity to the continued legacy of colonialism.
It is important to build coalitions, rather than assuming one unified voice of sisterhood.
Note. Sample survey items for queer feminism and post-colonial/transnational feminism were written by the authors. The other items are all drawn from the Feminist Perspective Scale (Henley et al., 1998).
The Power of Feminist Theory
Each of these perspectives has made lasting contributions to feminism, and they seek to provide a framework for understanding gender inequities. In this effort, theory aims to provide an explanation for why women experience inequities. Understanding theory is critical for consciousness raising, a form of activism that tries to promote awareness through knowledge. Many women experience discrimination or find themselves in situations that make them uncomfortable, but they often lack the language to talk about how they feel or to understand that their experiences are part of a larger problem. As a result, they may unnecessarily blame themselves. Understanding feminist perspectives and the fact that personal struggles often represent larger sociopolitical problems can give women a sense that they aren’t alone. It can also help to explain the basis for certain inequalities. In this way, theory can have multiple benefits (hooks, 1994).
Understanding feminist perspectives can also help people identify the best ways to make changes for the better. Feminist theory provides the tools to discuss society’s problems and ways to deal with them. This can lead to social change that is truly empowering for everyone. However, many people don’t understand the diversity of feminist thought, they reject feminism entirely, or they think there’s no longer any need for it. This is largely because they don’t understand what feminism is.
your turn
What does the word feminism mean to you? Would you call yourself a feminist? Why or why not? Are women the only ones who can be feminists? Why or why not? Ask your friends, your relatives, and your professors whether they call themselves feminists and what they think of feminism. Is there a particular school of feminist thought that appeals to you? Is there a particular school of feminist thought that appeals to others in your life? If so, explain why.
A type of feminism that focuses on the similarities between women and men and on using government policies to eliminate barriers that keep women from achieving their potential.
Specific laws and policies within organizations, institutions, and governments that give men (and members of other privileged groups) more resources and advantages than women (and members of less privileged groups).
The idea that sexual preferences are formed through the social ideal of heterosexuality, ultimately leading girls and women to prioritize the sexual desires of men.
A type of feminism that focuses on the differences between women and men and views women’s inequality as related to the lack of value placed on the unique experiences, perspectives, and qualities of women.
A type of feminism that claims inequality is related to the ways in which the categories of woman and man have been constructed, studied, and used to organize society.
The idea that people fall into two distinct, or binary, sex categories (M or F), that those categories have aligning gender roles (male or female), and that sexual desires are most naturally linked to the other sex.
A gender identity (woman, man, or other gendered identity labels) and/or a gender expression (feminine, masculine, or other gendered expressive labels) that doesn’t conform to societal expectations for the sex a person was assigned at birth.
A type of feminism that connects women’s inequality to the legacy of colonization and critiques the belief that women in Western countries are the most liberated in the world.
A type of post-colonial feminism that claims feminism should not focus on commonalities among women but, instead, should address issues from multiple perspectives and not assume a unified position.
Socialist Feminism
Another perspective, socialist feminism, links gender oppression with capitalism, an economic system in which power is constructed through work and production (Enns, 2004). In the United States, there is a perception that economic mobility is easily attainable through hard work. This view is called the myth of meritocracy because it suggests that merit is primarily responsible for accumulating wealth. However, contemporary research shows a widening gap between the upper-middle class and everyone else that appears to be more about inherited wealth than merit (Reeves, 2017). In one study, researchers found that since 1980, U.S. workers who are not upper-middle class are less likely than before to move up the social ladder (Carr & Wiemers, 2016). It appears that those at the top are more effective at passing down their status and wealth to their children, and this tendency reduces social mobility for everyone else (Reeves, 2017).
According to socialist feminists, merit alone is not responsible for accumulating wealth. Other factors, such as class, gender, and race, not only influence the accumulation of wealth but also affect the perceived value of what a person does. For example, socialist feminists have claimed that in capitalist societies men are primarily defined as workers and women are primarily defined as caregivers (Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie, & Robinson, 2012; Fillo, Simpson, Rholes, & Kohn, 2015). Such an arrangement means that women provide free labor by taking on the vast majority of domestic and caretaking responsibilities. Socialist feminists are particularly concerned with the second shift, a term that refers to the free labor performed at home in addition to paid labor in the workforce (Hochschild, 1989). According to socialist feminists, changing the way work is organized by encouraging men’s increased involvement in child rearing would promote greater equality (Reid, 1993; Saris & Johnston-Robledo, 2000).
On average, girls and women spend $1,400 more each year than men when buying the same products because the “women’s” version usually costs more. This pricing practice is referred to as the pink tax.
Socialist feminists are also concerned about how living as a girl or a woman is more expensive than it is for boys and men. The term pink tax refers to the additional cost of a product because it is marketed to women. It’s estimated that, on average, girls and women spend $1,400 more each year than men when buying the same products (Duesterhaus, Grauerholz, Weichsel, & Guittar, 2011). Products such as razors, toothbrushes, and even pens cost more if they appear feminine. This practice is outlawed in California, New York City, and Miami-Dade County in Florida, but it is perfectly legal elsewhere (Duesterhaus et al., 2011; Fried, 2016). Further, girls and women spend more money on items that men don’t have to buy (e.g., makeup, bras, tampons). According to a poll by Huffington Post and YouGov, women in the United States spend over $426 billion on beauty products every year (Adams, 2013). This financial burden is particularly problematic when also considering that women, in general, are paid less than men (American Association of University Women, 2017). It appears that this cost is a necessary investment because research shows that women who wear makeup, for example, are seen as more reliable, capable, and trustworthy in the workplace than women who don’t (Etcoff et al, 2011).